Rachel Reeves has tackled the upcoming spending review comparable to a reluctant swimmer creeping into cold water, attempting to lessen the hardship through step-by-step exposure.
The chancellor commenced dealing with the problem of limited revenue towards the close of the summer months. To begin with, she would not to uphold previous assertions that tax rises in the prior year's financial statement would be the last ones.
Later, earlier this month, she took a bolder step into the freezing sea. Her address committed to "do what is necessary" to support state services and keep borrowing costs low.
In just 10 days, the Treasury had withdrawn the hint. The election promise still stood ultimately. Similar to any cold-water swimmer realizes, this aborted dive and quivering withdrawal is the most painful of all approaches. No tactic extends the pain like uncertainty.
It is challenging to be resolute when selecting between degrees of self-inflicted harm.
Optimism has not been a great approach for the administration. Central of Keir Starmer's general election campaign was the vain belief of somehow meeting voters' demand for enhanced public services without overturning large sums of Conservative reductions in taxation.
Not once has both Starmer or Reeves successfully conveyed a sense of collective goal to justify all this pain. To some extent that is a problem of leadership presence. Starmer and Reeves are strikingly similar in their poor communication skills, awkward and reserved in a way that drives listeners back instead of drawing them in.
Similarly to public demand to invest in public services has forced the finance ministry to concede that revenue must go up, the financial necessity of improving growth makes it increasingly difficult to disregard the expense of disconnection from the continental trading bloc.
Officials used a year splashing in the initial phase of closer ties with the European Union: plans to remove customs checks on agricultural goods; a student movement initiative. Vision went a more substantial on power generation, military and protection collaboration, but no major deals has yet been signed.
Without specific instruction and drive from No 10, talks are bogged down. EU officials says economic advantages are accessed with payments to the EU budget. Government representatives know that's the arrangement. That doesn't make them keen for a public row and political opponents howling disloyalty over whatever price ends up being agreed.
Economic reality has triggered some change in the government's rhetoric on the EU relationship. She has commenced citing leaving Europe alongside the health emergency as a factor of commercial injury that the exchequer is working hard to repair. Other ministers have done the same, although they cautiously ascribe the fault to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the manner of departure", never just "Brexit".
The issue of the UK's future relationship with the EU can't be reduced to technical adjustments and border mechanisms when the entire international system is in significant transformation. In light of everything that has happened since the Brexit vote, it feels appropriate still to be asking the big question: were Britain's interests served by departing the European Union?
These represent cold, uncomfortable realities about the UK's predicament in choppy world affairs. It is understandable that Starmer and Reeves flinch from the challenge. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into currents that they cannot resist. So rather they carry on apprehensively moving along the coastline, wishing that perhaps shortly the circumstances will turn.
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